National-Anarchist Movement Manifesto – Part 3: The Failure of the Left

“The only economic difference between a herd of subservient Russians and a mob of free Englishmen pouring into a factory of a morning is that the latter are exploited by private profit, the former by the State in communal fashion. The motive of the Russian masters is to establish a comfortable bureaucracy for themselves and their friends out of the proletariat labour. The motive of the English masters is to increase their private fortunes out of proletariat labour. But we want something different from either.” – Hilaire Belloc

“Karl Marx, who spent most of his life in the reading room of the British Museum Library, probably came as little into contact with nature as it was possible to do and still stay alive. The result was that his philosophy ignored everything not human absolutely completely. He was aware (just) that food came from the country. He was aware that there must be some people out there somewhere who grew it. It was his object to rescue these imaginary people from what he called ‘the idiocy of rural life’. What is that to the idiocy of spending all your life in the British Museum Library?” – John Seymour

THE theories of Karl Marx that had appeared in the mid-nineteenth century, eventually came to fruition during the 1917 Russian Revolution. Across the course of ninety of the most brutal and bloodied years in human history, the murderous communist experiment centred in East Europe and the Far East became just as hated and despised as its capitalistic twin in the West.

Modern Leftists allege that after the death of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin in 1924, their revolution was hijacked by Josef Stalin. However, it remains a fact that the ever-popular hero of the anti-Stalinist brigade, Leon Trotsky, had been funded by Wall Street financiers. The common ground, of course, was not ideology but ethnicity. Wealthy Jewish bankers in New York had few qualms about assisting their Bolshevik counterparts in Tsarist Russia, especially when it meant there was a chance of removing the Russian monarchy and creating new markets ripe for exploitation. The racial link between capitalism and communism is irrefutable. In 1918 the Bolshevik Party was controlled almost entirely by revolutionary activists of Jewish (Khazar) extraction. According to Robert Wilton, the Russian correspondent for the Times newspaper, “out of 556 important functionaries of the Bolshevik State, there were in 1918-1919, 17 Russians, 2 Ukrainians, 11 Armenians, 35 Letts, 15 Germans, 1 Hungarian, 10 Georgians, 3 Poles, 3 Finns, 1 Czech, 1 Karaim, 457 Jews. If the reader is astonished to find the Jewish hand everywhere in the affair of the assassination of the Russian Imperial Family, he must bear in mind the formidable numerical preponderance of Jews in the Soviet administration.”[Les Derniers Jours des Romanof, Thornton Butterworth, 1920, p. 29]. Wilton’s remarks are validated by Hilaire Belloc, who, in 1937, wrote that “As for anyone that does not know that the present revolutionary Bolshevist movement is Jewish in Russia, I can only say that he must be a man who is taken in by the suppressions of our deplorable press.” [G. K. ‘s Weekly, February 4th, 1937]. Winston Churchill also noted the decidedly Jewish character of Bolshevism in the Illustrated Sunday Herald of February 8th, 1920, when he said “There is no need to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism and in the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution by these international and for the most part atheistical Jews. It is certainly a very great one; it probably outweighs all others.” [Illustrated Sunday Herald, February 8th, 1920].

Despite the fact that early Anarchism had so much to offer those living beneath the heel of the old European monarchies and, consequently, the new capitalist class that emerged from the Reformation and Enlightenment, the growth of the Left soon led to Anarchism being completely infiltrated. The groups that direct the anti-capitalist ‘movement’ are usually led by Left-wing dogmatists and control-freaks who like to claim that National-Anarchists are trying to subvert Anarchism for their own ends. But this is false. As we have said elsewhere, time and time again, we are not ‘racists’ or ’white supremacists’ with some kind of secret agenda, we have formulated a programme to combat the continuing degeneration of Western society and ensure that things like diversity, identity and cultural heritage survive the impending collapse.

Sadly, however, most people on the Left will not rest until they can organise every minute aspect of people’s lives. It is a self-perpetuating disease. This is why Leftists talk of the ‘right to work’, when – as Bob Black rightly points out – the real problem is work itself. The Left, just like the totalitarian Right, refuses to tolerate anyone who tries to opt out of its vision of an all-inclusive society. Some of us, however, want no part of this and will only ever be ‘socialists’ among ourselves and with our own kind. In this respect, we are an elitist Movement holding firm to the notion of meritocracy. What we do not accept, however, is that everybody is ‘equal’.

The issue of egalitarianism is one of the main stumbling blocks of the contemporary Left and stems from John Locke’s ill-conceived theories about the tabula rasa. This is the ludicrous idea that humans enter the world as a ‘blank slate’ and soak up everything around them like a sponge. But we are not merely influenced by environmental factors or the impression made upon us by our immediate surroundings, we also inherit many genetic traits from our parents, grandparents and great-grandparents. To some extent, then, we have already been shaped before we even leave the womb and that can have a big impact on the kind of people we eventually become. The socio-economic climate in which someone is born can have an impact on the way they develop, of course, but genetic factors far outweigh the environmental considerations and should not be ignored.

To suppose, therefore, that humans are somehow ‘equal’ is quite ridiculous. On the other hand, this does not mean that people who are less intelligent or physically handicapped should be treated with disdain or cruelty. Those who display a superior ability in certain areas have a responsibility to those who exhibit less. Humanity – like the rest of nature – is hierarchical and the Left’s progressive fantasies about a world in which everyone acquires the same rank, inevitably manifests itself as a levelling process in which oppressive laws are used to drag the strong down to the level of the most weak and resentful. National-Anarchists believe in encouraging people to express their full potential, not in forcing them to sink to a common denominator.

Left-wing politics inevitably descend into barbarity and totalitarianism and this is why capitalism has been allowed to prosper to the extent that it has. Whenever the Left ascends to power, it simply administers capitalism in a slightly modified form; through the bureaucratic organs of the state. Left-wing strategy, however, has often been highly effective and there is no reason why tactics such as entryism, industrial sabotage, picket lines, fundraising and community action should not be used by National-Anarchists. This is why we have also recommended several texts dealing with Derek Hatton’s Militant and other organisations that have successfully infiltrated both local councils and the ranks of their opponents.

To conclude, National-Anarchists reject both state and private capitalism and wish to ensure that power begins at the grassroots and is channelled upwards. This vision is a long way from the dehumanisation of the Left-wing ‘workers state’, in which people are portrayed, not as individuals, but as economic units ripe for exploitation. Make no mistake, the Left does not offer an alternative of any kind and should be rejected.

Further reading:
Blake Baker, The Far Left: An Expose of the Extreme Left in Britain, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1981.
Mikhail Bakunin, Marxism, Freedom and the State, Freedom Press, 1998.
Bob Black, The Abolition of Work and Other Essays, Loompanics Unlimited, 1985.
James Callaghan, The Far Left in British Politics, Basil Blackwell, 1987.
Michael Crick, Militant, Faber and Faber, 1984.
Rev. Denis Fahey, The Rulers of Russia, anonymous publisher, 1984.
Derek Hatton, Inside Left: The Story So Far, Bloomsbury, 1988.
Douglas Hyde, I Believed: Autobiography of a Former British Communist, Reprint Society, 1952.
Arthur Koestler, Darkness At Noon, Vintage, 2005.
George Orwell, Animal Farm, Penguin, 1951.
Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, Veritas, 1981.
Nigel Young, An Infantile Disorder: The Crisis and Decline of the New Left, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977.
Yevgeny Zamyatin, We, EOS, 1999.


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